Corrective Note by Annie Zapf
It is unfortunate that excellent concepts get blurred when enshrined within a religious context. In this article, Murphy calls us Mormon Peyotists when the more appropriate title might be Word of Wisdom Peyotists. It is true that Church Clergy are required to strictly adhere to the Word of Wisdom while on Church land. We don't drink coffee, smoke cigarettes or eat meat on Church land. Most Resident Clergy adhere to these rules all the time, but this is not required of them. The Word of Wisdom also provides ample opportunity for "moderation in all things." Though we are essentially vegetarians, during my first pregnancy, we allowed that pregnancy might be similar to "famine", and I occasionally ate chicken—though not on Church land. Key to the Word of Wisdom is the proviso of moderation, which means nothing is strict. As for Church members and Clergy not resident on Church land, adherence to the Word of Wisdom is only a recommendation and "principle with a promise." —Annie Zapf
Adherence to the Word of Wisdom in the twentieth century has become one of the most significant traits through which Latter Day Saints distinguish themselves from the rest of the world. The good health and long lives of Mormons are often attributed to the practices encouraged by this revelation.1 A recent "Church News" article described the "Word of Wisdom" as "akin to Gettysburg address in beauty (and) conciseness."2 How concise is revelation?
In his book Divergent Paths of the Restoration, Steven Shields warned that "so often historians, researchers and reporters confine their explorations and studies to only one segment of the Latter Day Saint movement."3 Shields compiled a list of numerous organizations, past and present, that owe their origins at least in part to the Latter Day Saint restoration that began with Joseph Smith in 1830. Among the "miscellaneous groups," Shields lists the Peyote Way Church of God with its headquarters near Willcox , Arizona.
The "Revised Bylaws" of this group state that "the functions of the Peyote Way Church of God are:
- to maintain, sustain, and caretake 160 acres of sacred earth;
- to establish economically independent cottage industries dedicated to the religious belief in God;
- to recognize the central role of the female as the giver of life;
- to practice and promulgate a word of wisdom given in revelation to his servant Joseph Smith, as written in Section 89 of the Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, and receive the blessings as promised therein;
- to grow, obtain, steward, protect, and defend the Holy Sacrament Peyote and its religious use: and to regulate Its distribution to other members of this Church;
- to promote morality, sobriety, industry, charity and right living; and to cultivate the spirit of self-respect and harmonious living among all Church members.
The goal of the Peyote Way Church of God is to introduce communicants to the light of Christ within. We find it necessary to partake of Peyote as Holy Sacrament. We believe that the holiness of this act and thereby, the result, depends upon the purity of the communicant, their environment, motivation, and body."4
Most members of the two major Mormon communities, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (LDS) and the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (RLDS),5 would likely consider the combination of adherence to the "word of wisdom" and the ingestion of Peyote incompatible. It is my contention, however, that the processes of adoption and reformulation that led to this peculiar combination of Peyote and the "word of wisdom" build in part upon historical trends in the evolution of Mormon attitudes toward health. I will show that the distinctive interpretations of the "word of wisdom" by members of the Peyote Way Church of God have their roots in popular, as opposed to official LDS conceptualizations of health. Through this exploration I demonstrate that revelation is not as concise as one might wish, but rather exists in a myriad of social and historical factors which weigh heavily upon both the popular and official interpretations of revelation.
The unfamiliarity of the Peyote Way Church of God (PWCG) in the Mormon scholarly community and its additional historical connections to the Native American Church (NAC), require that I begin with a brief historical summary of the North American growth of Peyotism.6 Second, I review the significant developments in the organization of the Peyote Way Church of God. Then I return to the argument posed above by exploring historical trends in the evolution of LDS interpretations of the "word of wisdom." And finally, I discuss the direct connections between some popular conceptualizations of the "word of wisdom" and those held by members of PWCG.
Peyote is a small, spineless, carrot-shaped cactus with psychedelic properties, which grows in a limited area, principally in southern Texas and northern Mexico.7 Peyote contains more than fifty-five alkaloids, the most significant of which is mescaline.8 The primary methods of ingestion are by drinking a peyote tea or by eating peyote "buttons," the dried tops of the Peyote cactus.9 Extremely bitter to taste, the buttons often cause nausea. They produce a "warm and pleasant euphoria, an agreeable point of view, relaxation, colorful distortions, and a sense of timelessness."10 Stimulation of the central nervous system and hallucinogenic effects from peyote are similar to those produced by LSD.11
Native American use of Peyote had been established in Mexico and parts of the Southwestern United States for centuries prior to the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors.12 The ritual use of peyote in the United States did not become widespread until the end of the nineteenth century when Peyotism spread, "via Texan Tribes and Athapaskans of the Southwest, to the Indians of the United States , mostly following the subsidence of the Ghost Dance."13 Many former Ghost Dance leaders became prominent peyote road chiefs.14
The Oto Church of the First Born, in 1914, was the first of several peyote churches to seek legal incorporation.15 This peyote community has interesting connections with Mormonism. Among the founders of the Oto Church the most important figure was Jonathan Koshiway.16 In his formative years, Koshiway had been a missionary for the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints and had attended Bible school in Kansas City.17 As a missionary, he must have become familiar with the Book of Mormon and the connection it proposed for Native Americans to Christianity. Gertrude Seymour, in her book Peyote Worship quotes an anonymous source who said "My friend we must organize a church, and have it run like the Mormon Church."18 Weston LaBarre suggested that the speaker may have been Koshiway.19 LaBarre wrote that Koshiway:
Joseph Smith's "word of wisdom" may also have influenced Koshiway's thought. Among his initial followers in the Oto Church of the Firstborn, Koshiway had introduced the abstinence from alcohol and tobacco in peyote meetings which was "a remarkable innovation when one recalls the entrenched ceremonial use of tobacco in the plains."21 Koshiway later attempted to reintroduce tobacco to the peyote ritual, but met with resistance from members of the Oto Church.22 It was over the issue of tobacco that Koshiway eventually split from the Oto Church of the First Born of which he had been a founder and took a lesser role in the organization of the Native American Church, which was founded in 1918.
Native American Church
Today, the Native American Church (NAC) is the primary umbrella organization with which most peyote sects are associated. An anthropologist and former member of the NAC Church, Omer Stewart, in his 1987 book Peyote Religion: A History estimated the membership of the NAC at about 200,000.23 Employing no professional clergy, the NAC relies on "road chiefs" who direct local meetings which are usually held on Saturday nights lasting until noon on Sunday.24
Although not all Peyote religions are incorporated within the NAC, some generalizations about Peyotism in the United States, particularly those groups with Christian influence can be made. In 1956, the anthropologist and Peyotist James Slotkin observed that "the Peyote Religion is conceived to be an Indian version of Christianity."25 According to Slotkin, many groups prohibit the "secular and sacred use of tobacco." Peyote serves as a means for "direct revelation" and revelation is used to "interpret Biblical pasages to make them compatible with Indian culture." Peyotists often proselytized, said Slotkin, with "pairs of young adherents sent out Mormon fashion."26
In Mexico, alcohol and peyote are commonly used simultaneously, but among Peyotists in the United States , peyote and alcohol are usually considered to be "mutually exclusive."27 The use of Peyote is often claimed by Peyotists to be a cure for alcoholism.28 This claim has received support from some researchers.29 Peyote has even been used as part of an alcohol treatment program in an Oklahoma public hospital.30
The Drug Abuse Control Act of 1965 listed peyote as a Schedule 1 narcotic, making possession illegal. However, passage of the American Indian Religious Freedom Act in 1978 provided Federal protection for the practice of Peyotism by members of the Native American Church.31 The Federal Government and many state governments, including Texas, the only state in which peyote grows naturally, outlaw the purchase or possession of peyote for people who are not members of the NAC and at least 25% Indian. This action effectively excludes non-Indians and many legally recognized Indians from membership in the NAC or at least prevents them from participating in the peyote sacramental rituals.
This racial exclusion led to disillusionment among some members of the NAC. Immanuel Pardeahtan Trujillo, a World War II veteran and a prominent "road chief" in the NAC was a central figure among the disillusioned. Trujillo , the son of a French mother and a San Carlos Apache father, was raised by an adoptive family in New Jersey.33 In 1948, Trujillo became a member of the Native American Church. After rising to a position of "road chief" Trujillo objected to the racially exclusive rules of the government and the NAC and during the 1960's joined in the founding of an "all race group" within the NAC.34 Because Trujillo's children are only 25% Indian, he feared his grandchildren could "be barred from the church and from partaking of the sacrament."35 The NAC, responding to political pressure, revoked the charter of the all race group, which had consisted mostly of Korean combat veterans.36 With others, Trujillo left the NAC in 1966 and established a church that would eventually evolve into the Peyote Way Church of God.37
Peyote Way Church of God
Trujillo purchased the Peaceful Valley Ranch in the Aravaipa Valley of Arizona in 1970.38 The Peaceful Valley Ranch is located near the predominantly LDS communities of KIondyke and Safford, Arizona. On July 17, 1975 the Church of Holy Light Pentecostal Indian Mission, a precursor to the PWCG, was incorporated on this ranch.39 In addition to admitting non-Indians the church changed much of the elaborate ritual of the peyote ceremony and established a project entitled the Open Hand Rehabilitation Program. The purpose of this program was to help drug addicts "kick their habits by teaching them pottery making."40
In 1977, President Reverend Immanuel P. Trujillo, Rabbi Matthew S. Kent, and Right Sister Anne L. Zapf registered a declaration of intent in the Recorder's office of Graham County, Arizona stating that they were "stewarding, ingesting, distributing and growing the Holy Sacrament Peyote as the essential and inseparable part of the religious beliefs of the Peyote Way Church of God."41 This declaration marked the end of the Church of Holy Light Pentecostal Indian Mission and the beginning of the Peyote Way Church of God.
Central ideas such as the "word of wisdom" and the "united order" have been adopted from Mormonism. The Church recognizes in addition to the Bible, the LDS versions of the Book of Mormon and the Doctrine and Covenants. Membership is not recruited from the local community and only 2% of the appr42
Anne Zapf, the President from 1985-1993 and an important figure in the founding of the Peyote Way Church of God, was converted to the LDS Church while in college. She was most impressed with the Mormon concept of personal revelation. Joseph Smith began the Mormon restoration by declaring that the Christian canon was incomplete and this necessitated the reopening of the "windows of heaven."43 He taught that it is the ability "to comprehend by inspiration of Almighty God that distinguishes the human from the beast."44
Although Smith found it necessary to reserve the right to receive revelation on behalf of the Church as a whole to himself, he taught that if an individual desired one could receive "revelation upon revelation."45 Zapf notes that it is still common to hear Latter Day Saints publicly testify that they were warned of impending dangers and were able to avoid them because of "a still small voice."46 Smith, Zapf says, was "truly inspired" when he received the revelation known as the "word of wisdom." Smith preached that it is through inspiration or revelation that one can communicate with the Divine.47
By following the health code incorporated in the "word of wisdom," these Mormon Peyotists prepare themselves to be more receptive to the peyote experience. "Peyote connects you with the greater whole," says Zapf, "peyote is an embodiment of God."48 Peyote is also beneficial for assisting those who wish to give up tobacco, alcohol, cocaine or simply the use of too much white sugar. 'Without peyote, full rehabilitation is difficult."49
The church's "Points of Order" proscribe the use of "cigarettes, tobacco, meat, caffeinated or alcoholic beverages, and foods containing white sugar and/or white flour" on church property. Peyote, when used by those who have "purified" themselves through adherence to the "word of wisdom" and fasting, can serve multiple purposes. It may help one remedy personal problems, it can be used as a means to facilitate communication with the Divine or peyote can be a manifestation of Diety.50
Apostle, Rev. Anne L. Zapf is careful to note that members bring their own personal beliefs to the use of peyote. The use of the Book of Mormon, the Bible, the Doctrine and Covenants or any other spiritual volume is based upon individual preference. Adherence to the "word of wisdom" is only required on church property, but is advised elsewhere [except for Church Clergy, who are required to adhere to the word of wisdom at all times.] Consecrating property in the "united order" is also a voluntary act. From the ingestion of peyote, Zapf said, one will "gain a new set of beliefs," of which an understanding of the inspirational value of peyote would be central.51
The Word of Wisdom
With the background information on Peyotism and the PWCG above, my focus returns now to the "word of wisdom" and trends in the interpretation of this "revelation" in LDS history. On February 27, 1833 in Kirtland, Ohio; Joseph Smith claimed to have received the revelation which would become known as the "word of wisdom"52:
Some interesting and varying interpretations have arisen over time, to the prescriptions and proscriptions provided in the "word of wisdom." In the 1840's the saints were encouraged to take, "a pound of tea, a pound of coffee and a gallon of alcohol" on the trek west.53 As late as the turn of the century Apostles such as Brigham Young Jr., John Henry Smith, Anton H. Lund, and Matthias F. Cowley interpreted the "word of wisdom" to permit the consumption of beer.54 Only after the turn of the century did "wine or strong drink" become defined to mean all forms of alcohol.55
Lorenzo Snow, President of the LDS Church from 1898-1901 emphasized the centrality of the abstinence from meat while Joseph F. Smith, President from 1901-1918 dropped the emphasis on the abstinence from meat and emphasized the proscription of tea, coffee, alcohol, and tobacco.56
In reference to "hot drinks" many early interpreters felt "that it was the 'heat' of the drinks as much as their contents which was the cause for alarm," and "consequently (one) finds individuals counseling against hot cocoa or hot soup in early sermons or letters.57 In 1917, Frederick J. Pack of the University of Utah, argued in the Improvement Era that Latter Day Saints should abstain from drinking Coca Cola because it contains the same drug (caffeine) as tea and coffee.58 In 1930, Apostle John A Widstoe published a tract entitled "The Word of Wisdom" which interdicted the use of refined flour and foods and "all drinks containing substances that are unnaturally stimulating."59 Largely due to Widstoe's influence "there has been a belief, widely held among Mormons, that caffeinecontaining drinks such as colas were implicitly proscribed by the Word of Wisdom."60 Although this belief has been widely adopted, the prohibition against refined flour and foods and caffeine-containing chocolate and cocoa, also promulgated by Widstoe, has had a more limited appeal.61
In a February 1993 "Church News" article, John M. Matsen vice president for health and science at the University of Utah was quoted as saying:
In addition to implicit endorsement in Joseph Smith's revelations published in the Doctrine and Covenants,63 support for herbal curing is provided within Book of Mormon narratives. Joseph Smith and other Mormon leaders publicly encouraged the use of herbal medicine to treat illness.64 In Utah , early Church leaders established a Council of Health which advocated the use of herbs and "educated" LDS women on their use.65
Over time the official stand on the use of herbs has moved away from herbal remedies to orthodox medical care.66 The endorsement of herbs preached by early Church leaders, however, are kept alive in heavily Mormon areas by widely read books such as Joseph Smith and Herbal Medicine by John Heinerman.67 During the decade of the seventies, when "national enthusiasm for unorthodox 'natural' remedies struck a responsive chord among some of the faithful,"68 the LDS leadership responded by publishing an official statement in the "Church News" warning those members "with serious illness... [to] consult competent physicians, licensed under the laws of the land to practice medicine."69 In 1981, N. Lee Smith noted that herbs continued to play a large part in the diet and health remedies of many Mormons, especially those of pioneer heritage.70 By 1986, Lester Bush argued that while Latter Day Saints were "perhaps more susceptible than the average American to the overtures of "natural" health faddists, Mormons (LDS) have virtually rejected their herbal heritage."71 The exceptions he noted, were the practitioners in the schismatic elements of Mormonism. It is interesting to note that the agent of change in this re-interpretation of the use of herbs has been the LDS Church leadership, which has hereby relegated those who have not substantially altered their practices to a "deviant" minority within the LDS Church or to the schismatic elements of Mormonism.
Throughout the history of the "word of wisdom" the interpretations of the concepts originating in this "revelation" have been continually changing. These changes have occurred both at an official level and at a popular level. At the popular level multiple interpretations operate simultaneously. The popular and official interpretations, as well, show consistent differences, such as the drinking of colas today which is not officially prohibited but is popularly discouraged. Changes in official doctrine, as has occurred with the use of herbal remedies, often alienate those who continue to maintain the popular traditions. This alienation, which occurs not only in health doctrines, often leads to the development of schismatic elements of Mormonism.
Peyote Way Church of God
Given this history, the Peyote Way Church of God's interpretations of the "word of wisdom" need to be reviewed. In a letter published in the March 1988 "Sacred Record," an official publication edited by President, Rev. Anne L. Zapf, an interpretation of the "word of wisdom" is provided.
In other issues of the "Sacred Record," the leadership of the PWCG discourages the consumption of "chocolate ...coffee... white sugar ...any drink too hot to touch ... white flour ... manufactured products.. and fast food."73 All of the above interpretations are held today and have been held in the past by at least some members of the LDS Church. For example, the PWCG's emphasis on abstinence from meat would have been approved by LDS President Lorenzo Snow. The prescriptions against caffeinated beverages and refined foods have been advocated by the likes of LDS Apostle John Widstoe.
It should now be obvious that the interpretations of the "word of wisdom" promoted by the PWCG have parallels with some interpretations held by some of the LDS populace. But, how does peyote fit into this reformulation? In a pamphlet entitled the "Spirit Walk" President (from 1984-1993) Reverend Anne Zapf writes that:
These Mormon Peyotists do not define peyote as a "drug," but prefer designations such as plant or an herb. Natural peyote must be distinguished from the refined drugs of an addictive society, for example cocaine, caffeine, aspirin, white sugar and white flour. When defined as a "wholesome herb," peyote is in fact sanctioned by the "word of wisdom."
The use of peyote has a long tradition in Native American curing rituals.76 The claim that peyote can help cure alcoholism has nearly a hundred year history. Drawing on the spiritual value long associated with peyote, the founders of the PWCG used peyote to help cure drug addicts through the Open Hand Rehabilitation and Industrial Development Program. As noted above, the use of herbs for curing was consistently advocated by the early leaders of the LDS Church including both Brigham Young and Joseph Smith and continues to be promoted by authors such as John Heinerman.
Skeptics may still argue that defining peyote as an herb rather than a drug is a significant leap beyond the text of the "word of wisdom." If it is in fact a leap, such leaps are nothing new. The reference to "hot drinks" is defined by many to include not only tea and coffee, but also Coca Cola and Hershey's chocolate. Others define "hot drinks" as tea and coffee but do not include "hot" cocoa, soup, decaffeinated coffee or herbal teas; and some even infer that the proscription against "hot drinks" implies a warning against chemical abuse.
Despite the explicit sanction of "mild drinks" made from "barley" and other grains, the "word of wisdom" is now nearly uniformly defined as prohibiting all alcoholic beverages including the beer enjoyed by previous generations of LDS leadership. The prescription of "wholesome herbs" and grains has been defined by some to require abstinence from refined sugars and flours. Defining peyote as an herb is not a gigantic leap, but rather a continuation of a process of reformulation that has been occurring throughout the 160 year history of the "word of wisdom." In fact, the sanction for the use of the "wholesome herb" peyote seems to be easier to establish than the claim that the prohibition against "hot drinks" necessarily includes cold colas and illicit drugs. My contention has been that the processes of adoption and reformulation that led to the combination of peyote and the "word of wisdom" in the Peyote Way Church of God build in part upon historical trends in the evolution of Mormon attitudes toward health. I began by reviewing the history of Peyotism in the United States. With a peculiar combination of ideology from the Native American Church and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, the Peyote Way Church of God at first glance appears rather bizarre. The use of peyote along with a strict adherence to the "word of wisdom" even may have appeared hypocritical. But a closer look reveals that the "bizarre" might better be described as "typical." I have shown that the processes of redefinition and reformulation that made possible this combination are the norm not the exception in the history of the "word of wisdom."
This exploration has brought out two important lessons. First by studying "divergent paths of the restoration," scholars can learn not only about the "others" of Mormonism, but also about the nature of the overall movement. And second, the lesson for all of Mormon studies is the realization that the text of this "revelation" exists in a myriad of social and historical factors which weigh heavily upon both the popular and official interpretations ascribed to this "word of God."
- Steven G. Aldana, "The Word of Wisdom: Studies Show Health Benefits" Church News (February 27, 1993):7,10.
- R. Scott Lloyd, "Word of Wisdom akin to Gettysburg Address in Beauty, Conciseness" Church News (February 27, 1993):6.
- Steven L. Shields, Divergent Paths of the Restoration (Los Angeles: Restoration Research, 1990),13:
- Anne L. Zapf, Rev., et al., Revised Bylaws (Willcox, Arizona: Peyote Way Church of God, July 4, 1988), 1-2.
- The term Mormon(ism) is used to refer to the greater body of religious communities which claim connection with Joseph Smith's "restoration." LDS refers only to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints and RLDS refers only to the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints.
- Peyotism is used to refer to the body of religious communities which use peyote as a sacrament. NAC refers to the Native American Church, the largest of the Peyote Churches. PWCG refers to the Peyote Way Church of God.
- Weston LaBarre, Peyote Cult (Handen, Connecticut: Shoe String Press, 1970), 7b. Omer Stewart, Peyote Religion: A History (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), 3-14. 7c. Edward Anderson, Peyote:The Divine Cactus (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1980), 151-2.
- Robert L. Bergman, "Navajo Peyote Use: Its Apparent Safety" American Journal of Psychiatry 128.6 (1971): 695.
- Stewart, 3.
- Bernard J. Albaugh and Phillip O. Anderson, "Peyote in the Treatment of Alcoholism Among American Indians" American Journal of Psychiatry 131.11 (1974)-.1248.
- LaBarre, 195.
- Ibid. Some scholars argue that the Ghost Dance movements were influenced by Mormon ideas such as the "invulnerable sacred garment", adopted from the Mormon "endowment robe". See James Mooney, Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology: 1892-3 Part 2 (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1896). See also Garold D. Barney, Mormons. Indians, and the Ghost Dance Religion (Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1986). For an alternative view see Lawrence Coates "The Mormons and the Ghost Dance" Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 18.4 (1985): 89-110.
- Stewart, 110.
- LaBarre, 167.
- Stewart, 167.
- Gertrude Seymour, "Peyote Worship: An Indian Cult and a Powerful Drug" Survey 36 (1916), 182.
- LaBarre, 167.
- LaBarre, 168.
- LaBarre, 169.
- Stewart, 3. Other estimates of the membership of the NAC range from 100,000 to 400,000 ("Just Say No" The Economist Oct. 6, 1990 :26. Zapf, et al. "Letter to Mrs. George Bush": 1).
- Bergman, 52.
- James Slotkin, The Peyote Religion: A Study in Indian-White Relations (Glencce, Illinois: Free Press, 1956), 46-47.
- LaBarre, 55. The Peyotist's aversion to alcohol has been noted by numerous other observers as well. See Albaugh and Anderson, 1248. Stewart, 141. Chunilal Roy, "Indian Peyotists and Alcohol" American Journal of Psychiatry-130.3 (1973): 329-30. Thomas Hill, "Peyotism and the control of Heavy Drinking: The Nebraska Winnebago in the early 1900s" Human Organization 49.3 (1990): 255.
- Trujillo , et al., 3. Anne I.. Zapf, Rev. ed. The Sacred Record (July, 1990):6.
- Bergman, 54. Albaugh and Anderson, 1249. Karl Menninger, "Discussion" American Journal of Psychiatry 128.6 (1971): 699.
- Pascarosa and Futterman, 215.
- Stewart, 332-33.
- Phyllis Gillespie, "Cleric Found Innocent of Peyote Possession" The Arizona Republic (February 18, 1987):B4.
- Alvin B. Rubin, Circuit Judge, Peyote Way Church of God v. William F. Smith, et al. 742 F 2d. 193 (5th Cir, 1984), 5827.
- Richard A. Harrold and Bennett S. Hall, "The Psychedelic Church" Liberty (March/April 1983): 23.
- Zapf, et al., "Letter to Mrs. George Bush."
- Rubin, 5827.
- Harrold and Hall, 23.
- Anne L. Zapf, "What Have We Been Doing?" (Willcox, Arizona: Peyote Way Church of God, 1988):1.
- Zapf, personal communication 10/7/92.
- 3 Ne. 24:10.
- HC 6:303.
- D&C 28:2. D&C 42:61.
- Zapf, personal communication 10/7/92 .
- D&C 89: 4-17.
- Robert J. McCue, "Did the Word of Wisdom Become a Commandment in 1851?" Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 14.3 (1981): 67.
- Thomas G. Alexander, "The Word of Wisdom: From Principle to Requirement" Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 14.3 (1981): 78-88.
- Lester E. Bush, Jr., "The Mormon Tradition" In Caring and Curing: Health and Medicine in the Western Religious Traditions Ronald L. Numbers and Darrel W. Amundsen, eds. (New York: MacMillan, 1986), 103.
- Frederick J. Pack, "Should LDS Drink Coca Cola?" Improvement Era (March, 1917): 432-35.
- See Alexander, 85.
- Bush, 103.
- Ibid. See also Alexander, 85.
- Lloyd, 6.
- See D&C 42 and 89 (LDS version).
- N. Lee Smith, "Herbal Remedies: God's Medicines?" Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 14.3 (1981): 38.
- N. Smith, 44.
- See Alexander and also McCue.
- John Heinerman, Joseph Smith and Herbal Medicine (Manti, Utah: Mountain Valley Publishers, 1975).
- Bush, 415.
- Quoted in N. Smith, 54.
- N. Smith, 37.
- Bush, 414.
- Anne L. Zapf, The Sacred Record (March, 1988): 3-6.
- Anne L. Zapf, The Sacred Record (February, 1992; March, 1992).
- Anne L. Zapf, "Spirit Walk" ( Willcox , Arizona : Peyote Way Church of God, no date).
- D&C 89: 9-10.
- LaBarre. Stewart.